Occupational Risk Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Occupational Risk - Research Paper Example One such substance that has received a lot of attention due to its significantly negative effect on human health; this substance is asbestos. Creating applicable risk assessments to make the necessary determinations to prevent the health risk involved with the presence of asbestos in our lives is a worthwhile one; primarily because the side effects of extreme exposure is rather harsh. Asbestos is a fibrous material that is naturally occurring on the planet. There are a few different colors, white and brown, and each asbestos fiber can be 700 times smaller than the diameter of a human hair (Princeton University, 2012).It became very popular as a form of strong insolation, as well as, being fire and chemical resistant, it was added to traditional construction of many buildings, facilities, and homes. There is likely asbestos used in fire-proofing spray, ceiling and floor tiles, siding shingles, ceiling textures, plasters, and most puttys, caulks, and cements. Buildings that were built after 1981 will likely contain less of this material as the health dangers were slowly becoming more and more verifiable. However, buildings constructed before 1981 likely has installed asbestos or products used that contained asbestos (Princeton University, 2012). Human beings can face extreme health dangers when exposed too often or for too long to asbestos fibers. The fibers enter the body through inhalation and lodge themselves in the pleura, the lining of the lungs, and may rest there for decades before contributing to serious health conditions, which include asbestosis, a restrictive lung disease, lung cancer, and mesothelioma, a very aggressive form of cancer that forms in the lining of lungs and chest (Princeton University, 2012). Most people who develop conditions due to asbestos exposure usually do not experience symptoms for, sometimes, decades after exposure occurred. Plants are, in most cases, unaffected by the naturally occurring asbestos existing in the environment. H owever, certain types of roofing shingles, containing an asbestos and tar mixture, when they are shed can cause growth and developmental issues in plants that are exposed. Animals can, in fact, be affected negatively by exposure to asbestos, as well. In the wild the ratio for different wildlife may not be immediately calculable, but domestic animals are definitely at risk. Dogs, in particular, are sensitive to the cancer causing effects of asbestos exposure. However, their response is far more immediate than humans. Most dogs will show the cancerous outcome of their exposure statistically by the time they are 8-years-old, if not younger (Mesothelioma & Asbestos Awareness Center, 2010). The exposure ratios that have been determined for homes, of course, are determined by the content of asbestos that exists in your home and how often you are exposed to it. Older homes should be tested and repaired of any damage and the asbestos replaced with safer alternatives. Updating and renovating older homes, is, also, a fantastic way to eliminate at home issues with asbestos (Morgan, 2007). Because asbestos is a naturally occurring material human beings can have limited and non-harmful interaction with the material. It is when the fibers begin to break away and become airborne. Once they

Jhumpa Lahiri’s Interpreter of Maladies Essay Example for Free

Jhumpa Lahiri’s Interpreter of Maladies Essay The Third and Final Continent is the last short story in Jhumpa Lahiri’s Interpreter of Maladies; and is probably the most memorable one. A newly married young man makes his way from India to England and then to the US where he is making arrangements to call his wife from back home. Lahiri’s tone from the very beginning sounds distant, but equally engaging, her style is painfully simple; and the structure of the story is as clear as the title. Lahiri gives an account of one man’s journey through three different continents. The story becomes captivating from the very first paragraph. She describes the narrator’s experiences in England where he lives with other â€Å"penniless Bengali bachelors all struggling to educate and establish themselves abroad [1].†   But our protagonist is offered a job at M.I.T and decides to settle down in the U.S. Here is when the story truly picks up momentum. Even with her simple style, Lahiri has also employed a strong underlying sense of humor. On his way to America, the narrator discovers that â€Å"President Nixon had declared a national holiday: two American men had landed on the moon [1].† The line is almost comical; the narrator is most uninterested in one of the greatest achievements in American history. Lahiri succeeds in describing America through the eyes of a foreigner to a new land. The narrator’s experience in America is a totally alien. Lahiri describes the new life and world around him in great detail, giving long descriptions of the food, clothes and the general attitude of people. And then the story moves on to Mrs. Croft. The relationship that follows is humorous yet endearing and heart-warming. In fact, here is where Lahiri’s genius lies. Mrs. Croft and the narrator come from two different diverse cultures and lives, yet no culture, race or color seem to come in between their friendship. Lahiri also brings forward the custom of arranged marriages, largely prevalent in India. â€Å"I regarded the proposition with neither objection nor enthusiasm. It was a duty expected of me, as it was expected of every man [1].† Even though he does not know his wife when the two get married, they begin to understand each other slowly. In fact, their first moment of understanding is in Mrs. Croft’s parlor, where the old woman calls Mala â€Å"A perfect lady [1].† â€Å"I like to think of that moment in Mrs. Crofts parlor as the moment when the distance between Mala and me began to lessen [1].† The style and structure of Lahiri’s story are effortless and straight-forward. The words used too are simple. But it is exactly this simplicity which makes the story so close to life. The narrator’s tone is so disengaged from the story that it seems like a bland narration. Yet the events in that narration are so moving and heartening that it makes the reader feel like a part of the story. The forms a deep bond with his wife, initially, a complete stranger; and through the two the reader can see and experience the pain of losing one’s cultural identity and heritage. Their son is completely Americanized and has no interest in his Bengali roots. They wish that would â€Å"eat rice with us with his hands, and speak in Bengali, things we sometimes worry he will no longer do after we die [1].† Lahiri ends the story beautifully, describing the narrator’s journey through life in a few simple lines â€Å"Still, there are times I am bewildered by each mile I have travelled, each meal I have eaten, each person I have known, each room in which I have slept. As ordinary as it all appears, there are times when it is beyond my imagination [1].† Works Cited: Lahiri, Jhumpa, The third and final continent, retrieved from http://www.dequinix.com/a/continent.php

Cancer and Reproducibility of Decisions

Cancer and Reproducibility of Decisions Urologic cancer: What about reproducibility of decision made at multidisciplinary team management? BAYOUD Y, LOOCK PY, MENARD J, MESSAOUDI R, RIPERT T, PIERREVELCIN J, KOZAL S, LEON P, KAMDOUM M, CHOLET I, LARRE S . Abstract: Introduction: The prostate cancer (PCa) treatment is multimodal. Thus multidisciplinary team management (MDTM) decision-making process appears as a tool to answer all aspects of PCa. To evaluate the reproducibility of therapeutic decisions made at MDTM. Materials and Methods: We compared therapeutic decisions of PCa by presenting the same file of patient under a fake identity after 6 to 12 months from the first presentation. Forty-nine files of radical prostatectomy (RP) (28 pT2, 21 pT3) performed for clinical localized PCa were represented at MDTM which included urologist, oncologist, pathologist and radiologist. Analysis of therapeutic decisions comprised criteria as: TNM stage, Gleason score, margin status and comorbidities. The reproducibility was assessed statistically by Kappa coefficient. Results: Forty-nine file of radical prostatectomy (RP). The mean age was similar in both groups. The mean PSA was 8,32 ng/ ml (3,56-19,5) in pT2 group and 9.4ng/ml (3,8-22) in pT3 group. The margin status was positive in 25% and 47,6% respectively in pT2 and pT3 group. Decision made for pT2 group were the same in 100% case (k=1). In the group of pT3 (n=21), 33% of decision were different at second MDTM, especially for pT3b with only 29% reproducible decision (k= 0,1). Concerning pT3a, 86% of decision were reproducible (k= 0,74). Conclusion: We showed a reliability and reproducibility of decision made at MDTM when guidelines are well defined. The therapeutic attitudes were less reproducible in locally advanced PCa but decision concerning those cases should be made in the setting of guidelines. Key words: Cancer, Kappa coefficient, Prostate, multidisciplinary, Reproducibility. INTRODUCTION: The prostate cancer (PCa) is the most frequent cancer in men as well in Europe and USA (1). The PCa counts for 11% of all men cancers and it’s responsible for 9% of the mortality by cancer in men in Europe. In France in 2010, the incidence of PCa was 71577 cases and the related mortality of PCa at the same year was 8791 deaths which represent a 2.5% less mortality per year during last years (2). The multidisciplinary team management becomes an obligation for all oncologic fields as mentioned by the French government law: cancer program 2003-2007, this program stipulate that each new patient should benefit from MDTM decision-making process, organize the setting of MDTM and also gives tools to develop trials of research for a new diagnosis and therapeutic arsenal (3). Some urologists express some doubt about the interest of MDTM because of it’s a new burden without assigned budget while others see in the MDTM an equality of chance of patients, and possibility to include patients in trials and protocols. Number of European study showed the interest of MDTM and its beneficial impact on survival (4, 5). The efficiency of decisions made at MDTM is obvious but the evidence about their reproducibility remains doubtful. Through patients underwent a radical prostatectomy (RP) for localized prostate cancer (PCa) and represented identically, we evaluated a reproducibility of decision made at MDTM. Materials and Methods: From January 2011 to March 2012, 183 patients underwent radical prostatectomy for localized PCa, all of them were presented at MDTM and decision of diagnosis and treatment validated. Within those patients some files were selected prospectively for a second presentation. All of patients were presented identically under a fake identity 6 to 12 months later. Each file contained a full filled form including all decision- making parameters concerning patient (appendix 1). Patients were selected after agreement of their urologist who didn’t participate at decision making process at a second presentation. We also presented a case of patient which can be susceptible for debate and distinguished two groups. First one with localized PCa with or without positive margins (pT2 R0 or R1) and second one with advanced PCa (pT3a or b, R0 or R1) regarding 2002 pTNM classification. Criteria of selection was to select patients with localized and advanced PCa, we also selected those at low and high risk of local and systemic relapse based on pTNM and gleason score, two only important parameters  «predicting local and systemic relapse after RP » we had at this moment of decision making process (1). Thus we tried to have each half of group with gleason score at low and high risk of relapse. The group of pT2 comprised approximately 50% of patient with gleason score > 6 and the group of pT3 comprised approximately 50% of patient with gleason score ≠¤ 3+4 (table 1). We compared a decision made for each patient in both MDTM. All decisions were made accordingly to usual criteria as pTNM stage, Gleason score, margin status, comorbidities and choice of patients. MDTM comprised 5 urologists’ seniors and 2 juniors, 1 pathologist, 1 medical oncologist, 1 radiotherapist and 1 radiologist and organized weekly. The statistical analysis chosen for comparison between first and second decision made at MDTM was Kappa coefficient which scale vary from non-agreement to perfect. The coefficient Kappa is a statistical tool to assess reproducibility. It also allows an estimate of concordance of qualitative judgments for the same situations by two different observers (6). We compared all criteria of study with t-test for independent samples using means ±SD. Results: From January 2011 to March 2012, 183 patients underwent RP for localized PCa. From this population forty nine patients were selected prospectively and distribution of patients was as follows: 28 pT2c, 21 pT3 (14 pT3a and 7 pT3b). Baseline criteria of patient group and t-test are resumed in table 1. We observed a reproducibility of 100 % of the group of pT2c independently of the margin status and Gleason score. Kappa coefficient was perfect (ÃŽ º=1). In the group of pT3a, decisions were reproducible in 86% cases, with therapeutic attitude putting in balance surveillance or extra beam radiation therapy (EBRT) (figure 1). The distribution of decisions was as follows: 28% for EBRT, 72% for surveillance at MDTM 1 and 14% for EBRT, 86% for surveillance. The coefficient Kappa was substantial with a value of 0,74. In the group of pT3b, decisions were reproducible in only 29% cases. Therapeutic decisions were EBRT plus androgen deprivation therapy (ADT) in 71% patients and surveillance in 29% patients at MDTM 1, while therapeutic decisions at MDTM 2 were 14,5% for EBRT, 14,5% for EBRT plus androgen deprivation therapy and 71% for surveillance (Figure 2). The Kappa coefficient was slight with a value of 0,1. Discussion: Our study showed the pertinence of MDTM recommended by Law of cancer program 2003-2007 (3). Many European studies showed the interest of MDTM (4, 5), but number of urologists expresses some doubts about benefits, exposing as argument a new burden without assigned budget. This position is partly supported by Asher PL et al, they reported in 124 cases of urological cancer, MDTM changed therapeutic attitude in only 2% cases, thus authors suggested that urologist could presented only few patients to MDTM which reduced significantly a working cost without compromising therapeutic patient’s chance (7). Van Belle S showed that MDTM established by the Belgian governmental program was a success thanks to specifically assigned budget. Authors reported also indirect evidence between MDTM and survival rate of cancer in Belgium because it’s within the five best European rates (2,3 and (8) This hypothesis was sustained by results of Sternberg CN et al study, they concluded of beneficial effect of MDTM on free recurrence survival of PCa in patients at high risk of recurrence, in particular phase III of TAX 3501 where was compared treatment with immediate or differed ADT with or without docetaxel after RP (9). Our study showed reliability and reproducibility of decisions made at MDTM. This is valid in pT2 patients group in whom 100% of reproducibility was observed, while pT3a patients group showed 86% reproducibility (ÃŽ º = 0.74). However pT3b patients group showed worse rate of reproducibility with 29% (ÃŽ º = 0.1), this result should be interpreted with caution considering the smallness of sample (n=7). Further studies with biggest sample are mandatory to make conclusion. Those cases are still complex situations demanding MDTM decision-making process. The lack of well-defined recommendations certainly contributes to the weak rate of reproducibility of decision made at MDTM for locally advanced PCa. GETUG 17 trial which compares immediate EBRT associated to ADT versus deferred EBRT at biochemical recurrence with ADT for patients underwent RP in whom definitive pathology result is pT3 R1( R1: positive surgical margins) will contribute to clarify recommendations. The interest of MDTM is to include patients in the same trial. To support this idea, Nguyen TD et al showed in their study for breast cancer which recommendations are well designed that 92% of MDTM decisions were in accordance to recommendations and 96% of these decisions were followed by patient’s responsible doctor. They conclude also of the interest of including patients in trial (10). The same conclusions were reported by Carducci MA et al, they surveyed prospectively 8 cancers in 6 hospitals, and they showed that 128 patients of 153 (84%) benefited from specific therapeutic decisions thanks to MDTM. Authors insisted on the interest of MDTM in advanced PCa and inclusion of patients in trial (11). Several studies seem to end on the interest of a tool to standardize and optimize the therapeutic decisions. Thus, Benjamin A et al reported significant differences in care of localized PCa in the United States of America. Between 2000 and 2001, 2775 cases of localized PCa were collected from 55160 patients. They considered many criteria as geographic location, type of institution (academic hospital or community hospital), pathology analysis and follow-up after treatment. Significant differences were observed regarding geographic origin and type of institution where treatment was provided. Besides criteria as tumor volume, extra capsular extension and pTNM stage were considered for making decision process respectively only in 37,1%, 68,6%, 48,2% (11). Hardly 55% of patients benefited from a follow-up (12). Clarke MG et al showed in cohort of 30 urologists for whom were subjected questionnaires representing patients’ scenarios with prostate cancer, a mean of 3 cues from 9 were used to make therapeutic decision. Criteria as life expectancy, digital rectal examination, age of patient and patient’s choice were rarely used. The authors also reported that urologists made a different therapeutic decision in 31,4% cases when they answered a same questionnaire at different time. They conclude that well defined recommendations and MDTM will standardize process of making decision and enhance reproducibility of decisions (13). These observations were also demonstrated by Wilson J et al in their study concerning 32 urologists from Great Britain, for whom 70 questionnaires representing medical history of prostate cancer were subjected. Thirteen questionnaires among 70 were repeated to evaluate intra- observer reproducibility. They reported that intra-observer reproducibility varied fro m 56% to 79%, while inter-observer reproducibility varied from 24% to 57%. Authors conclude on interest of standardizing therapeutic scheme and working in MDTM process for better decision reproducibility(14). The MDTM appears as an answer to this need of optimizing the care process. Conclusion: In our study we showed a reliability and reproducibility of decision made at MDTM. Reproducibility is acquired when recommendations are well defined. This is proved for localized prostate cancer. On the other hand decisions for advanced prostate cancer were less reproducible even if decisions were made in the setting of recommendations of French Urologist association. These last cases justify more submission in the MDTM in the purpose to standardize the care process, facilitate inclusion in trial. This will allow having well-defined recommendations for complex cases of prostate cancer, and leading to best reproducibility of decision made at MDTM. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Heidenreich A, Aus G, Bolla M, et al. EAU guidelines on prostate cancer. European urology. 2008;53(1):68-80. Epub 2007/10/09. Salomon L, Azria D, Bastide C, et al. [Recommendations Onco-Urology 2010: Prostate cancer]. Progres en urologie : journal de lAssociation francaise durologie et de la Societe francaise durologie. 2010;20 Suppl 4:S217-51. Epub 2010/12/07. Recommandations en Onco-Urologie 2010: Cancer de la prostate. Plan cancer 2003-2007 (French Government Law ): http://www.afssa.fr/ET/DocumentsET/plan cancer.pdf Verdecchia A, Francisci S, Brenner H, et al. Recent cancer survival in Europe: a 2000- 02 period analysis of EUROCARE-4 data. The lancet oncology. 2007;8(9):784-96. Epub 2007/08/24. Berrino F, De Angelis R, Sant M, et al. Survival for eight major cancers and all cancers combined for European adults diagnosed in 1995-99: results of the EUROCARE-4 study. The lancet oncology. 2007;8(9):773-83. Epub 2007/08/24. Bergeri I, Michel R, Boutin JP. [Everything (or almost everything) about the Kappa coefficient]. Medecine tropicale : revue du Corps de sante colonial. 2002;62(6):634-6. Epub 2003/05/07. Pour tout savoir ou presque sur le coefficient Kappa. Acher PL, Young AJ, Etherington-Foy R, McCahy PJ, Deane AM. Improving outcomes in urological cancers: the impact of multidisciplinary team meetings. Int J Surg. 2005;3(2):121-3. Epub 2007/04/28. Van Belle S. How to implement the multidisciplinary approach in prostate cancer management: the Belgian model. BJU international. 2008;101 Suppl 2:2-4. Epub 2008/03/01. Sternberg CN, Krainer M, Oh WK, et al. The medical management of prostate cancer: a multidisciplinary team approach. BJU international. 2007;99(1):22-7. Epub 2006/09/08. Nguyen TD, Legrand P, Devie I, Cauchois A, Eymard JC. [Qualitative assessment of the multidisciplinary tumor board in breast cancer]. Bulletin du cancer. 2008;95(2):247-51. Epub 2008/02/29. Evaluation qualitative de la reunion de concertation pluridisciplinaire de cancerologie mammaire. Carducci MA, Carroll PR. Multidisciplinary management of advanced prostate cancer: changing perspectives on referring patients and enhancing collaboration between oncologists and urologists in clinical trials. Urology. 2005;65(5 Suppl):18-22; discussion Epub 2005/05/12. Spencer BA, Miller DC, Litwin MS, et al. Variations in quality of care for men with early-stage prostate cancer. Journal of clinical oncology : official journal of the American Society of Clinical Oncology. 2008;26(22):3735-42. Epub 2008/08/02. Clarke MG, Wilson JR, Kennedy KP, MacDonagh RP. Clinical judgment analysis of the parameters used by consultant urologists in the management of prostate cancer. The Journal of urology. 2007;178(1):98-102. Epub 2007/05/15. Wilson J, Kennedy K, Ewings P, Macdonagh R. Analysis of consultant decision- making in the management of prostate cancer. Prostate cancer and prostatic diseases. 2008;11(3):288-93. Epub 2007/10/31. Table1:Baselinecharacteristicsofpatientsgroupandt-testof independent sample Figure 1: Therapeutic decisions made for pT3aN0M0 group at MDTM 1 and 2 Figure 2: Therapeutic decisions made for pT3bN0M0 group at MDTM 1 and 2 APPENDIX 1: Initial location :Date of diagnosis : DD/MM/YYYY Clinical TNM stage: Pathology result (specimen): pT: XX pN: XX M: XX Status margin (R): Rx Motive: Diagnosis à ¯Ã‚ Ã‚ ¯Therapeutic decision à ¯Ã‚ Ã‚ ¯ Therapeutic adjustment à ¯Ã‚ Ã‚ ¯Ãƒ ¯Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  Surveillance after treatment à ¯Ã‚ Ã‚ ¯Ãƒ ¯Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  Another motiveà ¯Ã‚ Ã‚ ¯ Medical history : Result of exams : (ex CT scan, MRI, Bone scan, medical notice of colleague †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦) Patient’s choice : WHO general health status :0 à ¯Ã‚ Ã‚ ¯Ãƒ ¯Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚  1 à ¯Ã‚ Ã‚ ¯2 à ¯Ã‚ Ã‚ ¯3 à ¯Ã‚ Ã‚ ¯4 à ¯Ã‚ Ã‚ ¯ Comorbidities: Therapeutic suggestion : Final thà ©rapeutic decision :

Willy Loman, An Idiot with A Dream in Arthur Millers Death of a Salesman :: Death of a Salesman

Willy Loman, An Idiot with A Dream in Arthur Miller's Death of a Salesman   Ã‚  Ã‚   A common idea presented in literature is the issue of the freedom of the individual in opposition to the controlling pressures of society. Willy Loman, the main character in Death of A Salesman by Arthur Miller, epitomizes this type of person; one who looks to his peers and co-salesman as lesser individuals. Not only was he competitive and overbearing, but Willy Loman sought after an ideal that he could never become: the greatest salesman ever. Determined to make money, Willy became uncontrollable and somewhat insane. Through his dialogue and actions, Willy Loman portrays a character of insecurity, persistence, and unknown identity.   Ã‚  Ã‚   From the very beginning of his life, Willy Loman experienced problems with his popularity and personality. His last name is a pun on a "low man." He is at the bottom of the business world as an unsuccessful salesman. In addition, his theories on life and society prove to be very degrading, not to mention influential to his mind set every day. Willy believes that being well-liked and having a personal attractiveness, together, can bring success, money, and many friends. Ironically, Willy does not have many friends and many people do not like him. With a beauty unlike others, Willy thinks that doors will open and problems will all disappear.   Ã‚  Ã‚   As a salesman, Willy developed many hindrances that caused his mind to deteriorate. His life as a salesman was built on a dream that he witnessed as a child. At an early age, Willy heard of a salesman, Dave Singleman, who could make his living out of a hotel room. Singleman was very successful and when he died, people from all over the country came to his funeral. It was this ideal that Willy Loman sought after. All he ever wanted was fame, popularity, and a few friends. Unfortunately, when Willy died, not a single person went to his funeral. His life, one that was spent trying to become another person, namely Dave Singleman, was a waste as no-one even wanted to see him buried.   Ã‚  Ã‚   In reflection of his career with the Wagner Company, many other problems arose that forced economic difficulties on him and his family. He was determined to live by ideals that placed him above everyone else. It was with these lies and illusions that Willy's life began to lose its' air of

Tea and Social Class Boundaries in 19th Century England

Matthew Geronimo Professor Haydu SOCI 106 12 March 2013 Tea and Social Class Boundaries in 19th Century England How did tea rituals, customs, and etiquette reinforce social class boundaries in 19th century England? This question is relevant, in that it asks us to reflect on how simple commodities such as tea can distinguish social differences between classes, both past and present; it also allows us to ponder on how tea was popularized into the daily-consumed beverage it is to this day with people of all class backgrounds. In her book A Necessary Luxury: Tea in Victorian England (2008), Julie E.Fromer discusses how in 19th century England â€Å"new identification categories and new hierarchies of status developed along lines stemming from consumption habits, creating moral guidelines based on what and when and how one consumed the commodities of English culture,† (Fromer, 6). After discussing some origins of certain tea rituals such as low and high tea, I will elaborate on how those rituals influenced and reinforced social boundaries between the lower and upper classes; furthermore, I will analyze how certain tea customs and etiquette shaped the practice of tea-time between the lower and upper classes.There are variations on the origin of the afternoon tea ritual. â€Å"The accepted tea legend always attributes the ‘invention’ of afternoon tea to Anna Maria, wife of the 7th Duke of Bedford, who wrote to her brother-in-law in a letter sent from Windsor Castle in 1841: ‘I forgot to name my old friend Prince Esterhazy who drank tea with me the other evening at 5 o’clock, or rather was my guest amongst eight ladies at the Castle,† (Pettigrew, 102).While tea was already a luxurious beverage at the time, when to drink tea during the day became a national cultural custom. â€Å"The Duchess is said to have experienced ‘a sinking feeling’ in the middle of the afternoon, because of the long gap between luncheon and di nner and so asked her maid to bring her all the necessary tea things and something to eat – probably the traditional bread and butter – to her private room in order that she might stave off her hunger pangs,† (Pettigrew, 102).Upper-class citizens caught on with this trend, participating in a ritual that would define a nation. Upper-class families would participate in low tea at a good hour between lunch and dinner. â€Å"Manners of Modern Society, written in 1872, described the way in which afternoon tea had gradually become an established event. ‘Little Teas’, it explained, ‘take place in the afternoon’ and were so-called because of the small amount of food served and the neatness and elegance of the meal,† (Pettigrew, 104).Consuming food with tea during the day between meals might have speculated the English people for growing accustomed to eating too much during the day, but according to Marie Bayard in her Hints on Etiquette ( 1884), afternoon tea was â€Å"not supposed to be a substantial meal, merely a light refreshment. † She adds, â€Å"Cakes, thin bread and butter, and hot buttered scones, muffins, or toast are all the accompaniments strictly necessary. † The upper classes during the 19th century were known more for drinking more expensive and refined teas, such as those from China, Ceylon, or Assam.The wealthy and privileged groups of 19th century England took pride in their customs; with the custom of tea, they spared no expense in staying true to their idealized rituals. Low tea was a daily practice for the upper classes. Martha Chute created a series of watercolor paintings that portrayed daily life at the Vyne in Hampshire in the mid-nineteenth century. This particular 1860 watercolor (Pettigrew, 99) depicts a dining room table prepared for breakfast with the tea urn in the middle of the table and the tea cups laid out.The painting’s setting takes place in a very upper class room with portraits of upper class citizens and scenery artwork hung all around the room. Published in 1807, Thomas Rowlandson’s Miseries Personal (Pettigrew, 65) illustrates powerful upper-class men and women socializing while consuming tea to the extent that the men are all practically drunk because of drinking too much tea. From the illustration, the audience can see that these powerful men have no cares, worries, or concerns at all; they’re not worried about getting food on the table for their families.They are only concerned with having a good time with the somewhat disgusted women in the painting while they consume heavy amounts of tea, symbolizing their refinery and high social class status. Published in 1824, Edward Villiers Rippingille’s The Travellers’ Breakfast (Pettigrew, 77) illustrates members of the literary circle that idealized Sir Charles Elton, including Coleridge, Southey, and Dorothy and William Wordsworth, as they have breakfast in an inn, with the tea urn focused in the middle of the table. According to Mrs.Beeton in the 1879 edition of her Book of Household Management, â€Å"’At Home’ teas and ‘Tea Receptions’ were large afternoon events for up to two hundred guests. Tea was laid out on a large table in the corner of the drawing or dining room, and servants would be on hand to pour and hand round the cups of tea, sugar, cream or milk, cakes, and bread and butter,† (Pettigrew, 107). Beeton reinforces the notion that these products were expected to be present at the tea table for afternoon tea with the upper classes. For the upper-classes, afternoon tea could be taken out to the garden.In an 1871 graphic artwork titled Kettledrum in Knightsbridge, (Pettigrew, 106) the artist displays men, women, and a child socializing in a garden, with trees and flowers surrounding them, while they enjoy their afternoon tea. According to Pettigrew, the caption reads â€Å"In this form of aft ernoon party, ladies and gentlemen can mingle . . . it is certainly much better to talk scandal in the garden than indoors,† (Pettigrew, 107). From this context, Pettigrew hints that scandalous gossip was common in between people in the upper classes during afternoon tea, and that it was better to gossip outdoors rather than indoors.While the etiquette and customs of low tea can be reflected in the mannerisms of upper class breakfast with tea, â€Å"In 1884, Marie Bayard advised in Hints on Etiquette that ‘the proper time . . . is from four to seven’, whereas others advised ‘about five’, or referred to ‘small 5 o’clock teas’, (Pettigrew, 108). Staying true to the specific hours with afternoon tea was significant to the upper classes in order to preserve the expectations that came with afternoon low tea. â€Å"Guests were not expected to stay for the entire time that tea was going on, but to come and go as they pleased during the allotted hours.Most stayed half an hour or an hour but ‘should on no account stay later than seven o’clock’, (Pettigrew, 108). The relationships between upper-class families and servants were distinguished with tea. â€Å"Families who employed servants very often took high tea on Sunday in order to allow the maids and butler time to go to church and not worry about cooking an evening meal for the family,† (Pettigrew, 112). Tea was so relevant during the 19th century that Pettigrew notes how upper-class families would rarely take a break from it.On Sundays, instead of eliminating tea from the day entirely, upper-class families would substitute their afternoon tea for high tea, which included heavier foods to replace dinner, all for the sake of allowing their maids and servants go to church. Servants of the Queen reference her liking of tea in the 19th century as well. â€Å"In London, Queen Victoria introduced afternoon receptions at Buckingham Palace in 1 865 and garden parties, known as ‘breakfasts’ in 1868,† (Pettigrew, 115). One of Her Majesty’s Servants† is quoted in The Private Life of the Queen (1897), â€Å"Her Majesty has a strong weakness for afternoon tea. From her early days in Scotland, when Brown and the other gillies used to boil the kettle in a sheltered corner of the moors while Her Majesty and the young Princesses sketched, the refreshing cup of tea has ever ranked high in the Royal favour. † Various forms of artwork captured the ritual of tea-time during 19th century England.A photograph from the 1880s presents a clear black-and-white image of what tea time looked like for the wealthy; in this particular case, for the Prince and Princess of Wales as they socialize with the Rothschild family at Waddesdon Manor in Buckinghamshire, (Pettigrew, 114). In the photo, we see a garden tea party taking place, both men and women well-dressed, all sitting down in a straight posture except for the single servant, the tea table set with the tea urn in the middle, a tent set up, and even an umbrella placed at an angle to prevent any discomfort from the sun.While consuming tea was popular in the 19th century, the art and strategy of selling it as a valuable commodity grew in trend. Advertisements in the 19th century for tea advocated certain product brands, claiming that that specific brand was better than the rest, even hinting that they were a brand for more sophisticated, upper-class tea drinkers. An advertisement for Lipton, Tea, Coffee and Provision Dealer (Fromer, 84) attempts to differentiate regular tea drinkers from Lipton tea drinkers: â€Å"On the left, an illustration depicts two women smiling as they drink their tea.Their features are smooth and regular, their cheeks are pleasingly plump, and they wear bonnets over their fashionably curled hair. Their dresses indicate their middle-class wealth and fashion sense; they wear modest, high-necked gowns without e xcess frills or ornaments, yet the designs of their dresses reveal up-to-date fashion, with curving bodices, bustles, and narrow waists,† (Fromer, 83). In the advertisement, the choice to drink other tea besides the Lipton brand is reflected on their mis-shaped bodies, poor etiquette, and disappointing behavior. Tea and its consumption reinforced social class boundaries in 19th century England.In Mary Gaskell’s North and South (1855), tea consumption serves as a statement of people’s social class and their standards. â€Å"Throughout the changes in the Hales’ financial and social status throughout the novel, their tea drinking continues unabated, and despite the economies that they are forced to observe after Mr. Hale gives up his living, they never mention giving up tea,† (Fromer, 132). Fromer comments on Gaskell’s North and South (1855), marking how tea for upper-class citizens, such as the Hales, it too valuable in social status worth to s acrifice.Fromer continues â€Å"†¦their [the Hales] identity within the industrial town of Milton derives from their consumption patterns, their participation in the market economy of the city, the amount of money they have to spend, and the ways in which they spend it. † Mr. Hale is caught off guard and is petrified by Margaret’s story of a mill worker who has come to join them for tea. Margaret â€Å"Told [the story] completely; and her father was rather ‘taken aback’ by the idea of the drunken weaver awaiting him in his quiet study, with whom he was expected to drink tea,† (Gaskell, 285). â€Å"’Oh dear! A drunken infidel weaver! ’ said Mr.Hale to himself, in dismay,† (Gaskell, 286). Mr. Hale cannot handle the idea of having a low-class worker in his home, participating in his family’s afternoon tea. The very thought of it is inconceivable to him, especially seeing how Margaret invited the mill worker for tea. The working class was distinguished by having less etiquette and being not nearly as strict with their tea rituals as the middle and upper classes. Tea for the poor was still cherished, was still valuable, but as far as how refined they could be, based on their social class status alone, they constantly went through hard times on a daily basis. During the working day farm workers and labourers generally drank beer,† but in the 19th century, there was a drastic shift from beer being the common beverage workers drank throughout the day to tea. â€Å"All around the country, workers refreshed themselves with hot or cold tea – in factories, mines, offices and farmers’ fields, on railways, roads and fishing boats. Tea had become the best drink of the day,† (Pettigrew, 125). The poor and working class participated mostly in high tea, which was substituted for dinner. Meals throughout the day for the working class included tea. The first National Food Inquiry of 1863 discovered that little had changed for the working classes since the late eighteenth century and that farm labourers and home workers, such as silk weavers, needlewomen, glover makers and shoemakers, throughout Britain, started the day with a meager meal of milk or water gruel or porridge, bread and butter, and tea,† (Pettigrew, 98). Every day was a struggle for the lower classes. Many working class families started each day still hungry. They would be â€Å"sent off in the morning after a meager breakfast of potatoes and tea to walk several miles to their place of work.Lunch was dry bread with perhaps a little cheese in good times, and more potatoes and tea at home in the evening,† (Pettigrew, 124). While daily meal intakes were simply meant to fuel laborers to get through the day, tea was always considered a luxury, something that still connected them to the upper classes, regardless of how less refined their etiquette was. â€Å"Dickens’s stories are full of poor families, young apprentices, social outcasts, and those who survived from hand to mouth, just about coping in very mean lodgings that contrast markedly with the sumptuous breakfast tables of the upper and middle classes,† (Pettigrew, 99).In Elizabeth Gaskell’s novel Mary Barton (1848), Gaskell conveys the thought-processing that went into listing what was needed for working-class meals and the importance of tea: â€Å"Run, Mary dear, first round the corner, and get some fresh eggs at Tippings . . . and see if he has any nice ham cut that he would let us have a pound of . . . and Mary, you must get a pennyworth of milk and a loaf of bread – mind you get it fresh and new – that’s all, Mary. † â€Å"No, it’s not all† said her husband. â€Å"Though must get sixpennyworth of rum to warm the tea . . . †A watercolor painting by Thomas Unwins (1782-1857) titled Living off the Fat of the Land, a Country Feast (Pettigrew, 111 ) illustrates â€Å"high tea in a country cottage,† with what is depicted as a lower class family eating hams, cheeses, and baked bread while drinking tea. The painting portrays many people filled in a small cottage having high tea in replacement of dinner, with children playing on the floor, vegetables fallen from a sack lying on the floor, cats and dogs sleeping and jumping around, a man sneezing close to the ham, a woman drinking her tea out of a saucer while tending to a child, etc. the whole illustration is a mess. While refined tea was mainly consumed by the upper classes, the working class still treasured tea as a luxury, its value and worth could be tasted even with just a little bit of sugar. â€Å"In 1853, the Edinburgh Review wrote: ‘By her fireside, in her humble cottage, the lonely widow sits; the kettle simmers over the ruddy embers, and the blackened tea-pot on the hot brick prepares her evening drink.Her crust is scanty, yet as she sips the warm beverag e – little sweetened, it may be, with the produce of the sugar-cane – genial thoughts awaken in her mind; her cottage grows less dark and lonely, and comfort seems to enliven the ill-furnished cabin,’† (Pettigrew, 111). In an 1878 photo of a poor Victorian household during tea time (Pettigrew, 104), the audience can make out the small room in which they are all in, laundry drying on a clothesline, with some of the children not even being able to sit at the table, just sitting on a bench close to it against the wall.This photo demonstrates the difference in tea etiquette between the upper and lower classes, especially with what looks like the eldest daughter caring for the youngest infant on her lap at the table, this being unlikely at an upper-class tea table. Tea was just as imperative as a daily commodity as it was to the upper classes. â€Å"The poor household, therefore, represented a scaled-down version of the middle-class home, suggesting that ninet eenth-century histories of tea portray class as a matter of degree rather than kind.Working-class families aspired to the same values as the middle classes, responding to their smaller incomes by taking further measures of economy but not by sacrificing the consumer commodities that had become necessary to English everyday life,† (Fromer, 79). Tea served as a revitalizing commodity for all, even the elderly. According to Day from the Edinburgh Review in Tea: Its Mystery and History (1878), â€Å"It is not surprising that the aged female whose earnings are barely sufficient to buy what are called the common necessaries of life, should yet spare a portion of her small gains in procuring the grateful indulgence.She can sustain her strength with less common food when she takes her Tea along with it; while she, at the same time, feels lighter in spirits, more cheerful, and fitter for this dull work of life, because of this little indulgence, (Day, 75-76). While the wealthy upper c lasses had standards and expectations with their consumption of tea, the lower classes, even the poor elderly, perceived tea as a great luxury of worth that altered their everyday behavior. â€Å"Tea affected her (the poor aged female’s) demeanor, her manner, and her cheer, enabling her to accept her burden and work harder, being ‘fitter’ for the dull work life,† (Fromer, 83).Tea time for the working class wasn’t meant to be a socializing event, nor was it a strict ritual. â€Å"Tea drinking, according to nineteenth-century ads and histories of tea, replaced the vices that were typically found among the ‘humbler classes,’ including alcoholism, violence, and a lack of attention to domestic arrangements, with the values of domestic economy, respectability, good taste, thrift, and an appreciation for high-quality consumer luxuries associated with more-fortunate, middle-class economic circumstances,† (Fromer, 87).Within Gaskellâ€⠄¢s North and South, we get glimpses of Margaret Hale’s life as a younger girl. â€Å"She remembered the dark, dim look of the London nursery. . . . She recollected the first tea up there – separate from her father and aunt, who were dining somewhere down below an infinite depth of stairs; . . . At home – before she came to live in Harley Street – her mother’s dressing-room had been her nursery; and, as they had her meals with her father and mother,† (Gaskell, 38).Gaskell emphasizes the difference in settings in Margaret Hale’s life, contrasting the less refined and luxurious life she had â€Å"before she came to live in Harley Street,† to her now higher social status in Harley Street. Gaskell hints this with how tea was consumed between the two settings. More than simply differentiating the social boundaries created by tea through certain tea rituals, the etiquette of tea drinking of both the lower and upper classes reinforced these social class boundaries in 19th century England.English upper class etiquette did not just distinguish them from the poor, but also from other countries as well. A cartoon published in 1825 (Pettigrew, 84) points out the difference in manners and etiquette between the English and the French. The cartoon refers to the English custom of placing a spoon across or inside the teacup to express that the drinker does not need a refill, though the audience can see that the English characters in the cartoon have been refilling the Frenchman’s teacup multiple times in a humorous manner. Certain rules and expectations went into tea-time with the upper classes. Invitations to tea were issued verbally or by a small informal note or card,† (Pettigrew, 108). Many aspects and variations went into tea etiquette that defined the upper classes. For how to receive guests into one’s home, the Lady at Home and Abroad (1898) explains that for small tea gatherings â€Å"the host ess receives her friends in the drawing room as on any other afternoon . . . but when it is a case of a regular afternoon entertainment, she stands at the head of the staircase and receives as she would at a ball or a wedding reception. Like Gaskell’s North and South, novels such as Emily Bronte’s Wuthering Heights (1847) capture the norms and etiquette that come with upper class tea time and how those norms are broken and revealed through character reactions. â€Å"Within ‘Wuthering Heights,’ tea creates boundaries between characters, rather than erasing them. The rituals of the tea table cause Lockwood (and readers of the novel, to an extent) to feel isolated, unwanted, and threatened, rather than welcomed in and nourished as guests and as intimates,† (Fromer, 152-153).In a scene from Bronte’s Wuthering Heights, the character named Lockwood, an upper-class male, seeks refuge from an early snowstorm in Wuthering Heights. Young Catherine hesi tatingly admits Lockwood into Wuthering Heights and he accepts it as an ideal setting for tea. While Catherine attempts to attain a canister of tea leaves almost out of reach, Lockwood makes a â€Å"motion to aid her† (Bronte, 16), but she responds, â€Å"I won’t want your help . . . I can get them for myself. † Bronte continues with Lockwood’s narration: â€Å"’I beg your pardon,’ I hastened to reply. Were you asked to tea? ’ she demanded, tying an apron over her neat black frock, and standing with a spoonful of the leaf poised over the pot. ‘I shall be glad to have a cup,’ I answered. ‘Were you asked? ’ she repeated. ‘No,’ I said, half smiling. ‘You are the proper person to ask me. ’ She flung the tea back, spoon and all; and resumed her chair in a pet, her forehead corrugated, and her red underlip pushed out, like a child’s, ready to cry,† (Bronte, 16-17). Bronte use s this scene to underscore a significant aspect of upper-class tea tiquette: again, â€Å"Invitations to tea were issued verbally or by a small informal note or card,† (Pettigrew, 108). While to present day audiences of Wuthering Heights, Catherine’s behavior may have seemed rude, to Bronte’s audience in the 19th century, Catherine’s response to Lockwood probably seemed understandable because according to upper-class tea etiquette, in order to engage and participate in tea-time with someone, he or she needs to be invited first. In another scene from Wuthering Heights, Catherine plays hostess during tea-time with characters Edgar and Heathcliff at Wuthering Heights. The meal hardly endured ten minutes. Catherine’s cup was never filled; she could neither eat nor drink. Edgar had made a slop in his saucer, and scarcely swallowed a mouthful,† (Bronte, 97-98). Here the audience can see the difference in etiquette between the higher and lower class es, even if the difference in class is not too vast. â€Å"Edgar’s ‘slop’ in his saucer signals his unsteady hand†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Fromer, 162). â€Å"This moment of tea, which is supposed to bring people together and erase boundaries, instead emphasizes those boundaries and signals the end of peace and familial happiness,† (Fromer, 162-163).Again, Bronte distinguishes the class differences reinforced through the tea ritual and form of etiquette. Like Bronte’s Wuthering Heights (1847), 19th century novels such as Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (1865) delineates social class boundaries reinforced by tea etiquette. The story of Alice adventuring into Wonderland is a reflection of facing elements people are not used to; for Alice, what she believed was her forte was etiquette. Carroll thus plays on the idea of expectations; he assumes that we as readers, like Alice, have certain expectations of what a tea party offers, an d he continually frustrates those expectations through his depiction of â€Å"A Mad Tea Party,† (Fromer, 169). During the infamous â€Å"Mad Tea Party† scene, Alice encounters the Mad Hatter, the March Hare, and the mouse at their tea party. Alice expects to be welcomed at the tea table, seeing how â€Å"the table was a large one, but the three were all crowded together at one corner of it . . . † (Carroll, 60).But as she approached the table, the Hare and the Mad Hatter cried out, â€Å"No room! No room! † (Carroll, 60). Both audiences of the 19th century and present day may have found the hosts to be incredibly rude exclaiming that there is no room while there obviously was, but, again, we must remember principle etiquette: that guests must be invited to tea. Both Bronte’s Lockwood and Carroll’s Alice encounter tea setting and expect to be invited; therefore, they approach the hosts and proceed to the tables, yet both characters are actual ly unwanted from both hosts in each novel.Lockwood and Alice are characterized as being of middle or upper class in their own storylines and they both invite themselves to these tea tables where they were never originally invited to; and when they are confronted about it, they both are shocked. â€Å"At any rate I’ll never go there again! . . . It’s the stupidest tea-party I ever was at in all my life,† (Carroll, 68). Carroll reinforces Alice’s stubbornness an inability to realize that she was the one who violated the etiquette and customs of tea time by inviting herself to tea instead of waiting for an invitation from the Mad Hatter and the March Hare.The exchange between Alice and the Mad Hatter and March Hare exceeds levels of rudeness that audiences of both 19th century and present-day England would be appalled by. â€Å"I don’t think – † then the Hatter cuts her off, â€Å"Then you shouldn’t talk. † â€Å"This piec e of rudeness was more than Alice could bear: she got up in great disgust, and walked off: the Dormouse fell asleep instantly, and neither of the others took the least notice of her going, though she looked back once or twice, half hoping that they would call after her,† (Carroll, 67).While Alice storms off believing that the Mad Hatter and March Hare are in the wrong, Carroll’s use of depicting Alice looking back conveys that in her heart, perhaps Alice knew that she was the one who violate the proper mannerisms and etiquette of tea time. From Fromer’s perspective, â€Å"After feeling adrift and confused during her travels through Wonderland, Alice has finally stumbled upon a setting where she feels at home and thinks that she knows what to expect and how to act – at the tea table . . .She expects the boundaries that so clearly separate her from all of the other characters she has met to finally be overcome, so that she can feel welcomed and nourished as an intimate guest rather than an unexpected and unwelcome intruder,† (Fromer, 170-171). Tea rituals, customs, and etiquette distinguish people from one another, they sort them into groups labeled either poor or wealthy. â€Å"Teatime functions, in countless novels, as a moment of highlighting the boundaries between self and other, inside and outside, day and night – boundaries both within outside of the intimate realm . . Part of what makes this particular tea party ‘mad’ is the fact that it violates the boundaries of time just as much as it destroys expectation of hospitality and civility,† (Fromer, 172). Both Alice and Bronte’s Lockwood assume that simply by being part of the upper classes of society that they are entitled to respect from others; but as Gaskell’s and Carroll’s audiences have realized, having respect for others defines social status and influences social mannerisms and proper etiquette. Within Gaskell’s North and South (1854-55), the image of the tea table functions as a crystallization of English national identity and the various social classes that make up that national sense of self,† (Fromer, 129). Fromer analyzes North and South as a novel that distinguishes the different social classes in 19th century England and how their social statuses are formed and reinforced by through tea rituals and etiquette.Furthermore, â€Å"based on circulating cultural expectations of the social manners and consumption rituals performed during teatime, the English ideal of the tea table served as shared experience upon which to base one’s identity and to gauge the social status of others,† (Fromer, 129). â€Å"Tea, as a fluid constant in English culture, with its accompanying social rituals, was flexible enough to accommodate – and to mark – subtle differences in social status, to mediate these differences between groups within the English nation,† (Fromer , 12).Members of both the lower and upper classes participated in tea rituals; depending on their social class statuses, they were more than likely to participate in one or the other. Quite simply, the middle and upper-class members of societies engaged in afternoon low tea the majority of the time because of its origin to English royalty and the purpose to keep hunger away between noon and dinner meals. On the other end, the poor and working class members of society engaged in high tea, combining their dinner meal with tea in order to alleviate the time and costs of tea time in the middle of the afternoon.The working class did not concern themselves with strict and traditional customs and etiquette like the middle and upper classes did. They participated in high tea for the practical purpose of fighting off hunger while retaining a sense of dignity and luxury with the value and worth of tea. As put by Fromer (11): â€Å"Nineteenth century representations of tea highlight the role of the tea table in forging a unified English national identity out of disparate social groups, economic classes, and genders separated by ideologically distinct spheres of daily life. Bibliography Bayard, Marie. Hints on Etiquette. Edited by Marie Bayard. London: Weldon & Company, 1884. Beeton, Mrs. Mrs. Beeton’s Book of Household Management. Edited by Nicola Humble. Abridged version of 1861 edition. NewYork: Oxford University Press, 2000. Bronte, Emily. Wuthering Heights. New York. Penguin Books, 1993. Carroll, Lewis. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass. New York: Oxford University Press, 1982. Day, Samuel Phillips.Tea: Its Mystery and History. London: Digital Text Publishing Company, 2010. Fromer, Julie E. A Necessary Luxury: Tea in Victorian England. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2008. Gaskell, Elizabeth. Mary Barton & North and South. Edited by Edgar Wright. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. â€Å"One of Her Majesty’s Ser vants. The Private Life of the Queen. Edited by Emily Sheffield. Gresham Books, 1979. Pettigrew, Jane. A Social History of Tea. London: National Trust Enterprises, 2001.

Free Essays on Legalization Of Medical Marijuana

There are currently many controversial topics that are dividing our country and causing arguments and disputes amongst the people of our nation. The newspapers, magazines and other forms of mass media cover these many notorious subjects such as gay marriage, abortion, gun control, and the war in Iraq. All of these topics are significant, but they many times surpass and overshadow other issues that are just as important but don’t quite get as much exposure. One of the controversial topics that is greatly overshadowed is the legalization of medical marijuana. Although many oppose marijuana, I believe that the federal government should legalize marijuana for its many significant medical reasons. And since the debate is becoming more public, it’s important to examine all sides of the subject including who the problem is effecting and also why some people oppose the drug. Although the use of marijuana has a long history in the United States, it wasn’t actually declared illegal until 1937. Marijuana has been used medically for nearly five thousand years. The first report of marijuana’s medical utility appeared in a Chinese catalog of herbal drugs, which was published in 2737 B.C., and was later recognized in the Middle East, Asia, and Medieval Europe (Randall 17). The Chinese recommended marijuana use for malaria, constipation, and rheumatic pains. In India, cannabis has been recommended to quicken the mind, lower fevers, induce sleep, cure dysentery, stimulate appetite, improve digestion, reduce headaches, and cure venereal disease (Grinspoon 3). It has been used in ceremonial rituals, as a treatment for pain, both physical and emotional, and as a recreational stimulant. The historic medical marijuana initiative passed by California voters in 1996 authorizes physicians to approve the use of marijuana for a variety of different reasons (O’Shaughnessey’s 11). There are millions of people nationwide that suffer from ... Free Essays on Legalization Of Medical Marijuana Free Essays on Legalization Of Medical Marijuana There are currently many controversial topics that are dividing our country and causing arguments and disputes amongst the people of our nation. The newspapers, magazines and other forms of mass media cover these many notorious subjects such as gay marriage, abortion, gun control, and the war in Iraq. All of these topics are significant, but they many times surpass and overshadow other issues that are just as important but don’t quite get as much exposure. One of the controversial topics that is greatly overshadowed is the legalization of medical marijuana. Although many oppose marijuana, I believe that the federal government should legalize marijuana for its many significant medical reasons. And since the debate is becoming more public, it’s important to examine all sides of the subject including who the problem is effecting and also why some people oppose the drug. Although the use of marijuana has a long history in the United States, it wasn’t actually declared illegal until 1937. Marijuana has been used medically for nearly five thousand years. The first report of marijuana’s medical utility appeared in a Chinese catalog of herbal drugs, which was published in 2737 B.C., and was later recognized in the Middle East, Asia, and Medieval Europe (Randall 17). The Chinese recommended marijuana use for malaria, constipation, and rheumatic pains. In India, cannabis has been recommended to quicken the mind, lower fevers, induce sleep, cure dysentery, stimulate appetite, improve digestion, reduce headaches, and cure venereal disease (Grinspoon 3). It has been used in ceremonial rituals, as a treatment for pain, both physical and emotional, and as a recreational stimulant. The historic medical marijuana initiative passed by California voters in 1996 authorizes physicians to approve the use of marijuana for a variety of different reasons (O’Shaughnessey’s 11). There are millions of people nationwide that suffer from ...